The violent Novgorod veche of the times of decline.

Right

But even in the 13th century, in cases of confrontation between different parts of Novgorod, veche meetings could take place simultaneously on both the Sofia and Trade sides. However, in general, at least from the beginning of the 13th century, Novgorodians most often gather “in the Yaroslavl courtyard” in front of the St. Nicholas Church (St. Nicholas received the status of a cathedral already in the Moscow period). However, the specific topography and capacity of the veche square are still unknown. The archaeological excavations that took place in 1930-40 at Yaroslav's Courtyard did not produce any definite results. In 1969, V.L. Yanin calculated by elimination the veche area in an unexplored area in front of the main (western) entrance to the St. Nicholas Cathedral. The square itself thus had a very small capacity - in the first work V.L. Yanin calls the figure 2000 m2, in subsequent works - 1200-1500 m2 and could not accommodate a nationwide, but a representative composition of several hundred participants, which, according to V. L. Ioannina were boyars. True, in 1988, V.F. Andreev expressed his opinion about the nationwide nature of city gatherings and localized the veche in what seemed to him a more spacious place, south of the St. Nicholas Cathedral. There is also a theory about the location of the veche square to the north of the St. Nicholas Cathedral. However, the most authoritative is the concept of V.L. Yanin, which even found its way into textbooks. The most authoritative is the opinion about the aristocratic nature of the veche at Yaroslov's Court during the late republic (second half of the 14th-15th centuries). However, the degeneration of the citywide veche body actually occurred earlier. Compiled from only the “elders” - the boyars, the famous “row” of 1264 convincingly suggests that the will of other free Novgorod estates - the “lesser” - was sometimes not officially taken into account even at that time, even based on their direct participation in the city-wide veche meetings preceding “Yaroslali in the yard” of the national Konchan assembly. In a German source from 1331, the citywide assembly is called “300 golden belts.” The work of the meeting took place in the open air, which presupposed the publicity of the people's assembly. From written sources, including chronicles, it is known that on the veche square there was a “degree” - a tribune for mayors and other leaders of the “republic” who held “magistrate” posts. The square was also equipped with benches.

The decisions of the meeting were based on the principle of unanimity. To make a decision, the consent of the overwhelming majority of those present was required. However, it was not always possible to achieve such agreement, at least not immediately. If the votes were tied, there would often be physical fighting and repeated meetings until an agreement was reached. For example, in Novgorod in 1218, after battles of one end against the other, meetings on the same issue lasted a whole week until “the brothers all came together with one accord.” At the meeting, the most significant issues of foreign and domestic policy of the Novgorod land were resolved. Among other things, there were cases of inviting and expelling princes, issues of war and peace, alliances with other states - all this sometimes fell within the competence of the veche. The veche dealt with legislation - the Novgorod Charter of Judgment was approved there. Veche meetings are at the same time one of the judicial instances of the Novgorod land (traitors and persons who committed other state crimes were often tried and executed at the veche). The usual type of execution of criminals was the overthrow of the guilty person from the Great Bridge to the Volkhov. The veche disposed of land plots, if the land had not previously been transferred to the fatherland (see, for example, Narimunt and the Karelian Principality). It issued certificates of land ownership to various church corporations, as well as to boyars and princes. At the meeting, elections of officials took place: archbishops, mayors, thousand.

Posadniks were elected at a meeting from representatives of boyar families. In Novgorod, according to the reform of Ontsifor Lukinich (1354), instead of one mayor, six were introduced, ruling for life (“old” mayors), from among whom a “sedate” mayor was elected annually. By the reform of 1416-1417, the number of mayors was tripled, and the “serious” mayors began to be elected for six months. In 1155, Yuri Dolgoruky expelled the “illegal” Kyiv Metropolitan Clement. At his request, Constantinople appointed a new metropolitan, Constantine I. For loyalty in supporting his policies and for supporting Bishop Niphon during the Kyiv schism, the Patriarch of Constantinople granted autonomy to Novgorod in church affairs. Novgorodians began to elect bishops from among the local clergy at their meeting. Thus, in 1156, the Novgorodians for the first time independently elected Arkady as Archbishop, and in 1228 they removed Archbishop Arseny.

In addition to the citywide meeting, there were Konchansky and street veche meetings in Novgorod. If the citywide representative veche was essentially an artificial formation that arose as a result of the creation of the Inter-Konchan political federation, then the lower levels of the veche genetically go back to the ancient people's assemblies, and their participants could be the entire free population of the ends and streets. It was they who were the most important means of organizing the internal political struggle of the boyars for power, since it was easier to inflame and direct the political passions of their representatives from all classes of the end or street in the direction the boyars needed.

The text is given according to the edition: Kovalenko G.M., Smirnov V.G. Legends and mysteries of the Novgorod land. - M.: Veche, 2007.

A report from Riga merchants from Novgorod dated November 10, 1331 states that a fight took place in Novgorod between Germans and Russians, and one Russian was killed. In order to resolve the conflict, the Germans came into contact with the thousand (hertoghe), the mayor (borchgreue), the governor (namestnik), the Council of Lords (heren van Nogarden) and 300 golden belts (guldene gordele). The conflict ended with the alleged murderer being returned to the Germans (his sword was covered in blood), and they paid 100 coins to the city and 20 coins to the officials. Who were these people called “golden belts”?

IN. Klyuchevsky believed that the 300 gold belts represented the entire governing nobility of the city: from the Ulichsky elders to the boyars who did not sit in the Council of Gentlemen. Academician V.L. disagrees with the great Russian historian. Yanin, who believes that 300 golden belts are the Novgorod veche, to which the owners of 300-400 estates gathered. As evidence, Valentin Lavrentievich cites the limited size of the veche square, which would not accommodate a large number of people. Danish historian Knud Rasmussen devoted a special study to this problem, in which he proves that the veche and the 300 golden belts are different authorities, since each of them put forward different demands to the Germans. So, there is no clear answer. And not only this question. Although many books and articles have been written about the famous Novgorod veche, scientists continue to argue about its actual role in the life of the Novgorod state.

Was the veche a body of popular rule or an obedient puppet in the hands of a few noble families? Where did the meeting meet? Who took part in it and in what quantity? And even such a seemingly minor detail: whether the participants in the veche meetings were sitting or standing, also remains a subject of heated debate. Without claiming to be the ultimate truth, let us briefly recall the history of the issue. The word "veche" probably comes from the verb "to broadcast." Vechas also existed in other Russian cities. But only in Novgorod did these spontaneous popular assemblies, preserved from the clan system, gradually begin to acquire the significance of the supreme body of the entire state. Although the veche did not have clear regulations and met as necessary, over the years veche traditions developed that were firmly ingrained in the minds of Novgorodians. Scientists are still arguing about the location of the veche square, but, according to the majority, the city veche met next to Yaroslav's courtyard near St. Nicholas Cathedral.

All free citizens, regardless of rank and condition, had the right to participate in the veche. This right was a matter of legitimate pride for the citizens of the Novgorod Republic. Every Novgorodian could convene a meeting. To do this, it was enough to ring the veche bell, the voice of which was easily distinguished by the sensitive Novgorod ear from the choir of other bells. However, no one abused this right, since the unauthorized convening of a meeting for an unworthy reason threatened the culprit with severe punishment. In the middle of the veche square there was a platform on which the speakers rose. The platform was called a “degree”, which is probably where the name “steady posadnik” came from, that is, the posadnik who led the people’s assembly. The city council adopted laws, invited the prince or expelled him, decided the issue of war and peace, adjudicated the most important crimes related to the deprivation of life and confiscation of property, and elected the mayor. In modern language, the veche combined two branches of government at once - legislative and judicial.

The decisions of the veche were called a verdict; all of them were recorded by the veche clerk, who then sealed the document with a lead seal. The sentence was determined by hearing, by the strength of the screams. When opinions differed, consensus was achieved with fists and stakes. Unlike modern democracies, where an elected official is not under the control of voters until the next election, the council could oust a bad manager at any time. Often, removal from power was accompanied by beatings, confiscation of property, and for some corrupt officials, their careers even ended with a fall from the Volkhov Bridge. Does this not explain the almost exemplary state of the municipal economy of Novgorod? In its comparative cleanliness and tidiness, Novgorod stood out favorably from European cities drowning in sewage, including Paris and London.

The city consisted of five ends (Plotnitsky, Slavensky, Lyudin, Zagorodsky and Nerevsky). All ends had their own meetings, which represented their interests at the general meeting. City streets had their own street meetings. There was much less politics in the activities of the Konchansky and Ulichsky veche meetings; they discussed those issues that are now commonly called “communal services” - the condition of the pavements, the distribution of duties, settling disputes between neighbors, etc. But it was at this level that the foundations of local self-government were laid - the root system of any democracy. To manage current affairs, the Konchan veche elected an elder. The headman did not rule alone, but with the assistance of the most eminent citizens who made up the Konchan government.

The power of the veche was not limited to the city limits. It extended over the vast lands of the republic, divided into Pyatyns and regions. They had their own small capitals: Pskov, Izborsk, Velikiye Luki, Staraya Russa, Ladoga, which had their own veche, but in general affairs they obeyed the verdict of the Novgorod veche. “Whatever the elders decide, that’s what the suburbs will do.” Over the course of five centuries, the role of the veche has changed, and this institution of power itself has also changed. There were calm evenings that resolved routine issues, but there were also stormy evenings. Historians often compare the veche to a performance staged by a group of Novgorod nobility. Of course, the boyars sought to control the people's assembly. But often a split arose in the elite itself, and then the popular element got out of control, passions spilled out, fists and stakes were used, and only the intervention of the clergy could stop the bloodshed. The veche tradition was not interrupted even after the annexation of Novgorod to Moscow. Although city councils no longer met, the townspeople still resolved many “housing and communal” issues together. In this sense, the street councils can be considered the predecessors of the modern system of local self-government.

By origin, the Novgorod veche was a city meeting, completely homogeneous with the gatherings of other older cities of Rus'. One could assume that greater political space allowed the Novgorod veche to develop into more developed forms. However, in the stories of the ancient Novgorod chronicle, thanks to this space, the veche is only more noisy and arbitrary than anywhere else. Important gaps remained in its structure until the end of the liberties of the city. The veche was sometimes convened by the prince, more often by one of the main city dignitaries, mayor or thousand. However, sometimes, especially during the struggle between parties, private individuals also convened veche. It was not a permanent institution; it was convened and held only when there was a need for it. There was never a fixed time limit for its convening. The veche met by the ringing of the veche bell. The sound of this bell was clearly distinguished by the Novgorod ear from the ringing of church bells.

Novgorod veche. Artist K. V. Lebedev

The veche usually took place on the square called Yaroslav's Court. The usual veche place for choosing the Novgorod ruler was the square near the St. Sophia Cathedral, on the throne of which the electoral lots were placed. The veche was not a representative institution in its composition, did not consist of deputies: everyone who considered himself a full citizen fled to the veche square. The veche usually consisted of citizens of one senior city; but sometimes residents of the smaller cities of the earth also appeared on it, but only two, Ladoga and Pskov. These were either suburban deputies who were sent to Novgorod when a question concerning one or another suburb arose at the veche, or random visitors to Novgorod from the townspeople invited to the veche. In 1384, the townspeople of Orekhov and Korela arrived in Novgorod to complain about the feeder, the Lithuanian prince Patricius, who had been installed by the Novgorodians. Two meetings gathered, one for the prince, the other for the townspeople. This was, obviously, an appeal by offended provincials to the sovereign capital for justice, and not their participation in the legislative or judicial power of the veche.

Issues to be discussed at the veche were proposed to him in a dignified manner by the prince or the highest dignitaries, a dignified mayor or a thousand. The Novgorod veche was in charge of the entire field of legislation, all issues of foreign policy and internal structure, as well as the trial of political and other major crimes, associated with the most severe punishments, deprivation of life or confiscation of property and exile (“flow and plunder” of Russian Pravda). The veche established new laws, invited the prince or expelled him, elected and judged the main city dignitaries, sorted out their disputes with the prince, decided the issue of war and peace, etc. The prince also took part in the legislative activities of the veche; but here, within the competence of both authorities, it is difficult to draw a separate line between legal and actual relations. According to the agreements, the prince could not plot war “without the Novgorod word”; but we do not meet the condition that Novgorod would not plot a war without the prince’s consent, although the external defense of the country was the main business of the Novgorod prince. According to the agreements, the prince could not distribute profitable positions, volosts and feedings, but in fact it happened that the veche gave feedings without the participation of the prince. In the same way, the prince could not take away positions “without guilt,” and he was obliged to announce the guilt of the official at the assembly, which then held a disciplinary trial of the accused. But sometimes the roles of the prosecutor and the judge changed: the veche brought an inconvenient regional feeder to trial before the prince. According to the agreements, the prince could not, without a mayor, issue letters confirming the rights of officials or private individuals; but often such letters came from the veche in addition to the prince and even without his name, and only with the decisive defeat of the Novgorod army did Vasily the Dark force the Novgorodians in 1456 to abandon the “eternal letters”.

Novgorod veche. Artist S. S. Rubtsov

At the meeting, by its very composition, there could be neither a correct discussion of the issue nor a correct vote. The decision was made by eye, or better yet by ear, based more on the strength of the shouts than on the majority of votes. When the veche was divided into parties, the verdict was reached by force, through a fight: the side that prevailed was recognized by the majority. It was a unique form of the field, of God’s judgment, just as the throwing of those condemned by the veche sentence from the Volkhov Bridge was a relic of the ancient test by water. Sometimes the whole city was “torn apart” between the fighting parties, and then two meetings took place simultaneously, one at the usual place, on the Trade Side, the other on Sofia; but these were already rebellious internecine gatherings, and not normal meetings. It happened more than once, the discord ended with both veches, moving against each other, converging on the large Volkhov bridge and starting a massacre if the clergy did not manage to separate the opponents in time. This significance of the Volkhov Bridge as an eyewitness to urban strife was expressed in poetic form in a legend recorded in some Russian chronicles and in the notes of one foreigner who visited Russia at the beginning of the 16th century, Baron Herberstein. According to his story, when the Novgorodians under Saint Vladimir threw the idol of Perun into the Volkhov, the angry god, having sailed to the bridge, threw a stick at him with the words: “Here is a souvenir from me, Novgorodians.” Since then, Novgorodians meet with sticks on the Volkhov Bridge at the appointed time and begin to fight like mad.

Based on lectures by V. O. Klyuchevsky

The term “veche” appears frequently in sources. The Novgorod chronicler uses this concept very widely. He calls a veche a “citywide meeting” that decides important state issues (for example, on the election or expulsion of a prince, on war and peace), and meetings of conspirators and street people, and gatherings during a military campaign, and gatherings of conspirators in courtyards, etc. More often In total, the chronicler speaks of the veche as a general meeting of Novgorodians on the occasion of extraordinary events on a national scale, led by officials. The Novgorod veche system was an example of feudal democracy in its Russian boyar version.

The chronicler does not say anything about the social composition of the veche. As a rule, he says: “the Novgorodians held a veche against the mayor Dmitr” (1207) or simply “they took away the mayor from Gyurg from Ivankovits and gave it to Tverdislav Mikhalkovich” (1216). The most commonly used word is “Novgorodians”. This is how the chronicler calls representatives of different classes of Novgorod. In those cases when he needed to emphasize that he was talking about boyars, he spoke of “boyars”, “vyachy” (1216, 1236) or “big” (Commission list, 1236). In some cases, “lesser ones” (1216, 1236) and “simple children” (1228) are mentioned. This indicates that the chronicler clearly understands the heterogeneity of Novgorod society. Talking about veche meetings, he does not emphasize this heterogeneity, but speaks only about “Novgorodians,” sometimes even about “all Novgorodians.”

Apparently, formally the participants in the veche could be representatives of different classes, but this does not mean that it was a people's assembly. The Veche was the most important body of the Novgorod Republic, defending the interests of the boyars in power.

B.D. very successfully described the features of such a political system. Grekov: “Veche assemblies live for a long time in the north-west (Novgorod, Pskov, Polotsk) as a result of a certain balance of class forces, in which the feudal nobility, having seized power into their own hands and limited the power of the princes in their own interests, was not able to destroy the people’s assembly , but was strong enough to turn him into an instrument of her interests."

Usually the veche gathered at Yaroslav's Court or on the square in front of St. Sophia Cathedral. The people gathered for the meeting to the ringing of the veche bell. Sometimes the chronicler reports that the prince convened the veche, but most often it is simply said about the Novgorodians who “created” the veche at Yaroslav’s or the ruler’s court. However, this did not mean that any city dweller could ring the veche bell and call the people to the veche. Since affairs of a national scale were decided at the meeting, it must be assumed that it was convened mainly on the initiative of the political group of boyars in power. In those cases when the veche was not convened by the prince or representatives of the republican authorities, it was obviously convened by opposition boyar groups who sought to seize power into their own hands.

Apparently, there was some kind of procedure for conducting the veche meeting. Important issues had to be discussed before a decision was made. The chronicler repeatedly points out: “... the Novgorodians, having guessed a lot, sent Yaroslav to Vsevoloditsa” (1215), “... there was a veche for the whole week... and the brothers sat together with one soul, and kissed the cross” (1218), etc. . P.

In pre-revolutionary literature, the prevailing opinion was that there was no voting at the veche; approval or disapproval was supposedly expressed by shouts. A.V. Artsikhovsky noted that such statements “are the clearest example of scientific prejudice.” It is unlikely that despite the widespread spread of literacy in Novgorod, important veche decisions were made in such a primitive way. This certainly had to happen in an organized manner, perhaps through voting. Some grounds for such an assumption are provided by archaeological materials (albeit from a later time). In the 15th century layer near the pavement of Great Street, birch bark letter No. 298 was found, written on a carefully cut quadrangular piece of birch bark. The document names four people, officially, by name and patronymic (in the accusative case). A.V. Artsikhovsky suggested that the letter represented a ballot paper. By submitting such ballots (and not shouting), elections could be carried out not only for senior government officials, but also for Konchansky and Ulichansky government bodies (in this document, persons were named who were never mentioned by the chronicler among the posadniks or thousand. Apparently, this document can be be considered as evidence of the elections of some collegium at the Nerevsky end).

To make a decision, it was necessary that it be approved by a majority of votes. Sometimes force was used to force the veche to make the decision dictated by the strongest boyar group. In 1218, for example, the mayor Tverdislav, initially relying on a minority - residents of Prusskaya Street and Lyudin Kostan - managed to force the majority to recognize his power with the help of weapons.

One of the most important issues decided at the meeting was the question of inviting or expelling the prince. From the chronicle it is known that the Novgorod princes began to be elected at the veche in 1125: “... having seated the Novgorodians on Vsevolod’s table.” Undesirable princes were driven out of Novgorod before. (In 1096, for example, David Svyatoslavich was expelled). In the XII - first half of the XIII century. the election or expulsion of a prince by decision of the veche is a common occurrence in Novgorod. The veche concluded agreements with the princes, who in the 20s of the 13th century. they kissed the cross of Novgorod “on all the will of Novgorod and on all the charters of Yaroslavl.” Often the veche “showed the way” to a prince he didn’t like. Outwardly, it looked very democratic: the people invited or expelled the prince at their own discretion. In fact, the prince received the Novgorod table depending on which boyar groups supported him or opposed him.

The veche was often convened on the initiative of opposition boyar circles who sought to overthrow the prince or mayor. The mayor was the highest elected official and was elected from among the largest Novgorod boyars, between whom there was a fierce struggle. The election of the mayor took place at the assembly.

Since 1156, another position became elective - that of bishop. Under 1165, the chronicle contains a message about the grant of an archbishopric to Bishop Elijah, who is often considered the first archbishop. The ruler was elected from among the clergy. From the turn of the XII-XIII centuries. At the meeting they began to elect the head of the black clergy - the Novgorod archimandrite.

At the end of the 12th century. a new republican institution appeared, also associated with the veche system of Novgorod - the thousand. Mironeg, or Miloneg, mentioned in the chronicle in 1191, was elected as the first Novgorod thousand. During the period under review, the thousand was elected from among the feudal lords of non-boyar origin and represented in the republican government non-aristocratic classes - feudal lords who did not belong to the boyars, merchants and black people. The election of the thousand also took place at the assembly. Consequently, participants in the citywide meeting in the XII-XIII centuries. there should have been representatives from different classes, for it is difficult to assume that the thousand, representing the unprivileged classes, was elected only by the boyars, although it undoubtedly depended on them which candidate would be elected.

In addition to the election of senior officials, the veche also dealt with other important state issues, such as war and peace. The declaration of war was the exclusive right of the veche. The prince could not go on a military campaign without permission without receiving permission from the veche. In 1212, preparing for a campaign against Kyiv, against Vsevolod Chermny, Prince Mstislav the Udaloy “convened a meeting in the Yaroslali courtyard.” In 1228, Yaroslav Vsevolodovich conceived a campaign against Riga, believing that Pskov and Novgorod residents would participate in it. Shortly before this, the Pskovites made peace with Riga and therefore refused to participate in the campaign. They were supported by Novgorodians. None of the prince’s efforts helped, the campaign did not take place. Peace was also concluded by decision of the meeting. The chronicler repeatedly reports about the conclusion of peace by the Novgorodians: “And in the fall the Varyas came like a mountain to peace, and gave them peace with all their will” (1201). Sometimes it is said about the conclusion of peace by the prince who led the campaign: “And bowing to the Nemtsi prince, Yaroslav made peace with them in all his truth” (1234). The very wording “in all its truth” indicates that the prince made peace with the consent of the veche.

The veche also decided internal affairs. According to his verdict, people were executed by throwing them from the bridge into Volkhov. There were cases when armed clashes between warring boyar factions and their supporters who were present at the meeting took place at the meeting. The winning side often demanded the execution of some of its opponents. In 1230, Volos Blutkinich was killed at the assembly, and Ivanko Timoshkinich was thrown into the Volkhov. When the rival boyar factions were not able to force the veche to take the side of any one of them, the meetings raged for several days, sometimes turning into real battles. Popular uprisings often began with veche meetings, at which the removal of senior officials, and sometimes reprisals against them, took place. Thanks to this, the leaders of the boyar groups were able to direct the discontent of the people against their opponents, and not against the entire class of feudal lords.

The veche disposed of the property seized from those boyars whom it condemned. In 1207, the property of the Miroshkinichs was sold, and the funds received were divided “in 3 hryvnias throughout the city, and for a shield.” After the uprising of 1228-1229. A lot of money was taken from supporters of Yaroslav Vsevolodovich and invested in the construction of a new bridge across the Volkhov. The Novgorodians distributed the property of the former mayor Semyon Borisovich, who was killed in 1230, and those who fled from Novgorod Vnezda Vodovik, Boris Negochevich and other boyars among hundreds.

There were no specific dates for convening the meeting; it met as needed. However, during periods of aggravation of intra-feudal and class struggle, meetings were convened frequently.

(according to the chronicle, 862). The Novgorod veche existed for more than six centuries, longer than in other Russian lands - until 1478.

Prerequisites for the appearance

Story

By the 15th century, the Novgorod veche had lost its democratic features due to increased economic inequality among the people, effectively degenerating into an oligarchy. Large landowners-boyars, by bribing the poor, created large parties for themselves at the councils and adopted those laws and decisions that were beneficial to them. On this basis, conflicts and unrest arose, which were one of the reasons for the fall of the Novgorod Republic, along with the strengthening of the Moscow Principality.

On Thursday, January 15, 1478, the independent existence of the Novgorod state ended. Moscow boyars and clerks of Ivan III entered the city. The veche bell of Novgorod was taken to Moscow. Self-government was completely liquidated, and the Novgorod veche ceased to meet since then.

Location

As a rule, townspeople gathered at a citywide meeting in a strictly defined place. In Novgorod and Kyiv - at the St. Sophia Cathedrals.

In case of serious disagreements, some of the townspeople who were dissatisfied with the decision made gathered in another place. In Novgorod, such an alternative meeting was convened at Yaroslav's Dvorishche, on the Trade Side.

Etymology

Range of questions

There is no unity among historians in assessing the powers of the veche. The reason for this is the instability of this legal institution. Often the veche itself determined its competence, so it was different in different historical periods.

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Notes

1. Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences V. L. Yanin.
2. // Science and Life, No. 1, 2005
3. Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences V. L. Yanin. , conversation with “Knowledge is Power” correspondent Galina Belskaya. // Knowledge is power, No. 5-6, 2000
4. // Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907. Grebennikov V.V., Dmitriev Yu.A.
5. Chapter II. Legislative bodies of state power in Russia before October 1917 // Legislative bodies of Russia from the Novgorod Council to the Federal Assembly: a difficult path from patriarchal tradition to civilization. - M.: “Manuscript”, “TEIS”, 1995. - P. 35. - 102 p. - 1 thousand, copies.- ISBN 978-5-860-40034-4.
6. Volkov V. .
7. Veche // . - M.: Olma-press, 2001. - T. 1. - P. 117. - ISBN 5-224-01258-9. Platonov S. F.
8. Pchelov E. V. Moscow Rurik dynasty // . - M.: Olma-Press, 2003. - P. 263. - 668 p. - (Historical Library). - 10 thousand, copies.
9. - ISBN 5-224-04343-3. Podvigina N. L.
10. § Novgorod Veche // Essays on the socio-economic and political history of Novgorod the Great in the XII-XIII centuries. / edited by corresponding member. USSR Academy of Sciences V. L. Yanina. - M.: Higher School, 1976. - P. 104. - 151 p. - 9 thousand, copies. Yanin V.L.

Novgorod mayors. - 2nd edition, revised and expanded. - M.: Languages ​​of Slavic culture, 2003. - P. 8. - 511 p. - (Studia historica). - ISBN 978-5-944-57106-9.

• Rozhkov N. A. Russian history in comparative historical light (fundamentals of social dynamics). - 3rd ed. - M., 1930. - T. 2. - P. 269.
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Novgorod veche / Rep. ed. V. A. Kuchkin; Reviewers: A. A. Gorsky, E. R. Squires; . - M.: Indrik, 2014. - 608 p. - 800 copies.
“The Englishman is bragging... huh?... good?...” said Anatole.
“Okay,” said Pierre, looking at Dolokhov, who, taking a bottle of rum in his hands, was approaching the window from which the light of the sky and the morning and evening dawns merging on it could be seen.
Dolokhov, with a bottle of rum in his hand, jumped up onto the window. "Listen!"
he shouted, standing on the windowsill and turning into the room. Everyone fell silent.
- I bet (he spoke French so that an Englishman could understand him, and did not speak this language very well). I bet you fifty imperials, would you like a hundred? - he added, turning to the Englishman.
“No, fifty,” said the Englishman.
- Okay, for fifty imperials - that I will drink the entire bottle of rum without taking it from my mouth, I will drink it while sitting outside the window, right here (he bent down and showed the sloping ledge of the wall outside the window) and without holding on to anything... So? ...
“Very good,” said the Englishman.
Anatole turned to the Englishman and, taking him by the button of his tailcoat and looking down at him (the Englishman was short), began repeating to him the terms of the bet in English.
- Wait! - Dolokhov shouted, banging the bottle on the window to attract attention. - Wait, Kuragin; listen. If anyone does the same, then I pay one hundred imperials. Do you understand?
The Englishman nodded his head, not giving any indication as to whether he intended to accept this new bet or not. Anatole did not let go of the Englishman and, despite the fact that he nodded, letting him know that he understood everything, Anatole translated Dolokhov’s words to him in English. A young thin boy, a life hussar, who had lost that evening, climbed onto the window, leaned out and looked down.
“Uh!... uh!... uh!...” he said, looking out the window at the stone sidewalk.
- Attention! - Dolokhov shouted and pulled the officer from the window, who, entangled in his spurs, awkwardly jumped into the room.
Having placed the bottle on the windowsill so that it would be convenient to get it, Dolokhov carefully and quietly climbed out the window. Dropping his legs and leaning both hands on the edges of the window, he measured himself, sat down, lowered his hands, moved to the right, to the left and took out a bottle. Anatole brought two candles and put them on the windowsill, although it was already quite light. Dolokhov's back in a white shirt and his curly head were illuminated from both sides. Everyone crowded around the window. The Englishman stood in front. Pierre smiled and said nothing. One of those present, older than the others, with a frightened and angry face, suddenly moved forward and wanted to grab Dolokhov by the shirt.
- Gentlemen, this is nonsense; he will be killed to death,” said this more prudent man.
Anatole stopped him:
- Don’t touch him, you’ll scare him, he’ll kill himself. Eh?... What then?... Eh?...
Dolokhov turned around, straightening himself and again spreading his arms.
“If anyone else bothers me,” he said, rarely letting words slip through his clenched and thin lips, “I’ll bring him down here now.” Well!…
Having said “well”!, he turned again, let go of his hands, took the bottle and brought it to his mouth, threw his head back and threw his free hand up for leverage. One of the footmen, who began to pick up the glass, stopped in a bent position, not taking his eyes off the window and Dolokhov’s back. Anatole stood straight, eyes open. The Englishman, his lips thrust forward, looked from the side. The one who stopped him ran to the corner of the room and lay down on the sofa facing the wall. Pierre covered his face, and a weak smile, forgotten, remained on his face, although it now expressed horror and fear. Everyone was silent. Pierre took his hands away from his eyes: Dolokhov was still sitting in the same position, only his head was bent back, so that the curly hair of the back of his head touched the collar of his shirt, and the hand with the bottle rose higher and higher, shuddering and making an effort. The bottle was apparently emptied and at the same time rose, bending its head. “What’s taking so long?” thought Pierre. It seemed to him that more than half an hour had passed. Suddenly Dolokhov made a backward movement with his back, and his hand trembled nervously; this shudder was enough to move the entire body sitting on the sloping slope. He shifted all over, and his hand and head trembled even more, making an effort. One hand rose to grab the window sill, but dropped again. Pierre closed his eyes again and told himself that he would never open them. Suddenly he felt that everything around him was moving. He looked: Dolokhov was standing on the windowsill, his face was pale and cheerful.
- Empty!
He threw the bottle to the Englishman, who deftly caught it. Dolokhov jumped from the window. He smelled strongly of rum.
- Great! Well done! So bet! Damn you completely! - they shouted from different sides.
The Englishman took out his wallet and counted out the money. Dolokhov frowned and was silent. Pierre jumped onto the window.
Gentlemen! Who wants to bet with me? “I’ll do the same,” he suddenly shouted. “And there’s no need for a bet, that’s what.” They told me to give him a bottle. I'll do it... tell me to give it.
- Let it go, let it go! – said Dolokhov, smiling.
- What you? crazy? Who will let you in? “Your head is spinning even on the stairs,” they spoke from different sides.
– I’ll drink it, give me a bottle of rum! - Pierre shouted, hitting the table with a decisive and drunken gesture, and climbed out the window.
They grabbed him by the arms; but he was so strong that he pushed the one who approached him far away.
“No, you can’t persuade him like that,” said Anatole, “wait, I’ll deceive him.” Look, I bet you, but tomorrow, and now we're all going to hell.
“We’re going,” Pierre shouted, “we’re going!... And we’re taking Mishka with us...
And he grabbed the bear, and, hugging and lifting it, began to spin around the room with it.

Prince Vasily fulfilled the promise made at the evening at Anna Pavlovna's to Princess Drubetskaya, who asked him about her only son Boris. He was reported to the sovereign, and, unlike others, he was transferred to the Semenovsky Guard Regiment as an ensign. But Boris was never appointed as an adjutant or under Kutuzov, despite all the efforts and machinations of Anna Mikhailovna. Soon after Anna Pavlovna's evening, Anna Mikhailovna returned to Moscow, straight to her rich relatives Rostov, with whom she stayed in Moscow and with whom her beloved Borenka, who had just been promoted to the army and was immediately transferred to guards ensigns, had been raised and lived for years since childhood. The Guard had already left St. Petersburg on August 10, and the son, who remained in Moscow for uniforms, was supposed to catch up with her on the road to Radzivilov.
The Rostovs had a birthday girl, Natalya, a mother and a younger daughter. In the morning, without ceasing, trains drove up and drove off, bringing congratulators to the large, well-known house of Countess Rostova on Povarskaya throughout Moscow. The countess with her beautiful eldest daughter and guests, who never ceased replacing one another, were sitting in the living room.
The Countess was a woman with an oriental type of thin face, about forty-five years old, apparently exhausted by children, of whom she had twelve. The slowness of her movements and speech, resulting from weakness of strength, gave her a significant appearance that inspired respect. Princess Anna Mikhailovna Drubetskaya, like a domestic person, sat right there, helping in the matter of receiving and engaging in conversation with the guests. The youth were in the back rooms, not finding it necessary to participate in receiving visits. The Count met and saw off the guests, inviting everyone to dinner.